BETA: Automatically translated from Basque, translation may contain errors. More information here. Elhuyarren itzultzaile automatikoaren logoa

"We lack speeches to face the great battles of globalization"

  • The voice of Júlia Ojeda, literary critique, is important in the current Catalan media and helps us to approach one of the multiple axes in which Catalonia is rethinking after the independence process. He is also a member of Matriotes, a space defined as “feminist and nationalist”.
Argazkia: Jordi Borrâs.
Argazkia: Jordi Borrâs.

I propose to choose a painting, a song and a book that will help explain Catalonia.
Picture of La Masia, Miró. This picture speaks very well, not so much of the present Catalonia, but of which I would like, of which we now have to claim. This painting ended Miró's stage as a figurative artist. Or in other words, that Miró, who will then be a universal reference, could be said to have been born in this painting. For Miró, La Masia is not the country around her, but the cradle of her thought, which makes her universal.

And that telluric force of La Masia has reminded me of the telluric songs of Roger Mas: Cançons Tel.luiques. I believe that the debate that awaits us is that of symbols: what people we want to protect, what children we feel... Catalonia has to deal with the attacks of globalisation. Both references agree on the need to provide sound music and symbolic representation that connect us with our national imaginations. I think that is what we need most.

And the book, Sota the signe of the Drac (under the sign of the Dragon), is a collection of critical prosas by María Merce Marçal. I am particularly interested in the genealogies that he establishes, both in our tradition and in other European traditions. Marçal is a Catalan icon that serves to develop intersectional thinking. While African-Americans were developing intersectional theories, Marçal was also thinking about it. In fact, Sota the signe of Drac is important to our project, Matriotes.

"Nobody remembers the question of colonialism within the state"

On March 8, he drew the Matriotes manifesto with Marta Roqueta and Anna Punsoda and was published in eight media. It explains how the idea emerges.
It arises because the three of us perceived similar interests, both nationally and feminist, and the three lacked spaces for debate to update the dialogue about the encounter between feminism and nationalism. We wanted to hit the manifesto on the table and say: “It is essential to talk about this in the general interview of the country [Catalonia]; if this does not enter the conversation, we will be wrong.”

What kind of reactions have you had?
We're satisfied with the reactions, we're generally excited, but we also think there's still a shy trend, because the term nationalism is uncomfortable. But we believe that the feminist national level has great potential.

If the term nationalism is uncomfortable, why do they use it?
Because political conflict is a national conflict and therefore has to maintain the relationship with the foundations of the nation. The emancipation process must be open and broad, heterogeneous, but national. In addition, the Catalans have a tradition of nationalist thought characteristic of the nation of the trench, of the occupied nation, of high value and of great interest, and that has not been taken into account for years in the independence process. In the manifesto

Dona i was born (Woman and nation), in 1982, a
term that I really like, “no man’s land” is used. It is the space that we occupy the feminist women of minority peoples and it may be the space that Spanish women can occupy and despise or, on the contrary, we will conquer it. If we do not occupy that space, another person will.

"In Catalonia, literature often acquires the dimension of state structures, which leave small structures of the autonomic generality itself"

From the new currents of decolonial feminism it is very clear that there are problems that cannot be addressed from white feminism. How do we stand on this issue? We are Europeans, we are white, but we also suffer from culture and national oppression ... Did you think of all this from Matriotes?
Yes, indeed, I believe that one of the urgencies of current Catalan feminism, and not only from feminism, is to sort the theoretical and conceptual map of colonial and postcolonial tradition a little. This framework of thought has not been applied here, or we have not been able to apply it, even if there are some indications. And I think that, in this sense, we have a great lack of analysis tica.Si you are clear about how the imposition of Spanish in the

Constitution and in the Statute works, if you look at how the transfer of regime takes place in cultural matters, it is very clear that there is a relation of oppression and dominance that can be read in terms of colonialism.

Now, at the time of the State's response after the referendum of independence, we are seeing it clearly in Catalonia, but in the 1980s and 1990s we could not see it because the process of autonomic normalization was very strong and because the construction of the Pujolist oasis of 1980 and 1990 has been very important. In those years, a power is being ficted that is not of the autonomic organizations, and so the country remains at peace. The linguistic conflict was concealed and logics were adopted to normalize the idea of bilingualism, which meant that no other way of telling the cultural situation of the country was developed.

Photo: Jordi Borràs.


Can you give us an example of colonialism?
Har, for example, Joan Lluis Lluis, writer of Roussillon. The invisible [invisible] Els explains how the process of linguistic substitution and identity has lived in Northern Catalonia, a book that can only be read from the point of view of colonialism. And if you relate what Joan Lluis Lluis tells us with what is happening in Valencia or the Balearic Islands, with the lengicides of the PP and VOX politics, you come to the same conclusions. In the end, the issue of colonialism explains who has the power and who depends, and it is evident that we are facing the denial of the possibility of continuing to exist as Valencians and the Balearic Islands.

What happens? In Barcelona, the days about decolonal thinking begin and great Latin American thinkers are brought, who will speak English or Spanish, and that nobody remembers the question of colonialism within the state. I think it is because of cowardice, lack of knowledge and lack of intellectual production.
That is why it is half the career of Literary Studies in Spanish, and that is why the Francophone and Anglo-Saxon matrix is used. There are few referents in Catalonia and, therefore, the framework of thought is developed ol.Los feminists, in a broad sense (LGTBI, trans, etc. ), we have long been “uninhibited”; so why does it
cost us so much to “download” as an oppressed national identity?

Why do you think it is?

Because we lack the study and interpretation of oppression in Spain. I do not think that is enough. Without understanding how the oppression system influences Spain, we cannot explain the forms it takes. One of my intellectual and political obsessions is to understand how the so-called culture of the Spanish Transition has mastered the dynamics of domination of so-called peripheral territories.

"The tendency to naturalize the presence of Spanish in the Catalan text increases"

On the other hand, as a consequence of this autonomist fiction, in the minority nations of the Spanish State social, cultural and political issues and debates take place as if they were masters of a State of their own... but, of course, without being a State. For example, as far as language policies are concerned, the number of hours devoted or not to English in a state can be debatable, but in our case, dedicating many hours to English could be taking hours out of our language and taking steps for linguistic substitution. In the same vein, the Catalan debate 'public school - concerted school' cannot be the same as in a normal country, since in many cases the concerted school has been the strength of Catalanism. By this I do not mean that the model has to be a concerted school, because it has major problems of segregation and economic overlap. I want to say that in Catalonia the debate is more complex and has more definitive matices.En, as a diminished people, and with the

state against, we lack speeches to face the great battles of globalization.

Catalan literature

 

Literary criticism is, in part, your work.
In literary criticism, he also tries to implement the ideas that he has explained to us in the dialogue. Why do you think literary criticism in Catalan is important?
There are many ways to criticize: there is traditional written criticism in the academic or journalistic media; then there is a radio criticism, closer to cultural journalism, and then an institutionalized criticism in the prizes and in the jurors of the prizes. This is also a way to criticize, because the sense of criticism is, in the end, to sort and value the value of literary production. The Academy also makes a literary criticism when it decides to study some authors and not others. All this is an essential work in any culture, but in our own, especially in Catalan, because the publishing sector has a total presence in the cultural sector, we are a very literaturized society.

Our great cultural event is the day of Sant Jordi, but we are also a very strong culture in terms of publications. We have an ecosystem that covers both high production publishers and several independent publishers. The Catalan publishing world had a boom since 2012; the Writing Schools had a great development, many independent publishers were opened, there was an explosion of literary awards... The bad thing is, we lack readers.

What do you mean?In
Catalonia, literature often acquires the dimension of state structures, which leaves the structures of the autonomic generality itself small, and that is terrible. Not all minority cultures have that capacity. That's what we started to realize in 2007, when Catalonia was the cultural guest at the Frankfurt fair. And in recent years, for example, with the success of Irene Solá, or with the candidature of Eva Baltasar to the Booker ... All this is a reflection of the trajectory of literary culture of first order.

However, I, as I tend to read everything in political terms, believe that this requires a double reading, on the one hand, of the importance of these images to the outside, in relation to the projection of Catalanism, and on the other hand, an internal reading. For me, the desire that the publishing sector is demonstrating to differentiate itself from the independence process and from the Catalan conflict is very evident. For

example, more than 15% of the novel awarded this year in Catalan by Anagram is written in Spanish. If this is not called into question in the text, if it is not replaced in a conflicting way, then at least I find it problematic, and I believe that it should be discussed. I am concerned to sell these texts as realistic, that is, to present them as a non-ideological representation. Ideological, followed by an ideology that reproduces the logics of individual bilingualism. In recent times, the tendency to naturalize the presence of Castilian in the Catalan text, not only in the literature, but also in the cinema and in the street. And this is because there's a dynamic of replacing the language going on.

Maybe here are other vertices. For example, what do you think of taking the same book at the same time in Catalan and Spanish? Does it not ever reduce the possibilities of the book in Catalan?
Yes, absolutely. Literary translation in both languages is also an individual bilingual. It is clear that two markets do not exist here. Here are two markets fighting for the monopoly of literary production and, of course, the Catalan literary language cannot compete with Spanish.


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