Imaz’s opinion articles, on the other hand, have boasted of dust, but it cannot be said that its content has become completely new, since it has made repeated statements of a similar nature, both verbally and in writing, and in its party it is known that this discourse has supporters and opposites.

Taking the context of the end of the truce, the most surprising thing is how it reflects President Ibarretxe’s opposition to the referendum; or at least that is what is reflected in society. Now will come the nuances and explanations of Imaz and others of the party, but this will hardly cover that first impression, which is that one wants to take Ibarretxe closely.

As for President Ibarretxe, the basis of his last two legislatures is questioned by questioning the same consultation.Ibarretxe
and the Government’s Political Council made it clear last summer that if the ceasefire failed they had Plan B nearby and they did not fully clarify what it was, most of us saw in the axis of the possible initiative the Ibarretxe plan rejected by Madrid and the shadow of the consultation. In the face of the possible failure of the peace process, the President and the will of the triad to regain political initiative were clearly socialized.

Josu Jon Imaz also cites the argument to withdraw the political initiative from ETA, but in another direction, because ETA can support the possibility of consultation. It is an absolutely contradictory argument that, in order to prevent ETA from taking political initiative with its violence, the possible use that ETA can make determines the political axis of the Government in recent years. Sometimes, it seems that the armed organization is considered more as a grip and an argument than a real argument. It has been heard over and over again in the last six years that the nail of the matter is not ETA, but the right of decision of the citizens of the Basque Country. This article has turned that nail upside down, at least for now.

When the Basque Government, led by Ibarretxe, has expressed its intention to comply with its electoral mandate to consult, the EA and the United Left have strongly supported the intention. The address was a little quiet. Well, the answer has come. Even now, the two allied governments of the PNV have soon shown their disagreement with Imaz’s article. The Basque society is now awaiting the words of Ibarretxe.

Arre or so, the formation of the Government of Navarre no longer has a margin and this week we will finally know if the PSN takes NaBai and the United Left as allies in the new government, or if it leaves it in the hands of the UPN.

The alternative would be to govern the UPN in the minority, but the right-wing Navarrese will hardly accept this without agreeing on a minimum base of the PSN. It would be like entering a grotto full of holes without light, if you are not aware of whether you will jump to the hole in the first one or in the second or third one. And the UPN's are not that naive. The possibility of new elections would also be there, but they all reject it, not only would it seriously damage the image of politicians in general, but it would also damage the PSN in particular, because, being the key to governance, it would show that it has not had the capacity to form a new government.

There is more room in Álava, because next week the Plenary of the General Assembly will be held on the 26th. But a small margin, though. And it is impossible to guess the stick of command that the socialist Txarli Prieto will take over the jealous Eto Xabier Agirre. The PP has the key here, and what happens in Navarre seems to condition the Arabaco. There’s a lot at stake, in Alava as well as in the PNV.