The fact is that such positions are common in many negotiations and that what needs to be measured is the final achievement. And what would be the achievement in the current situation in Navarre? It is clear that there will be no radical change. In general terms, the expulsion of the UPN from the front line of power after a sixteen-year mandate, since even with the loss of the government there are still many centers of power in Navarre, among them the media.

More specifically, the achievements should have clear results in at least three broad areas. One is the significant reorientation of budgets in the social sphere towards public areas, especially health, education and welfare. Two, in the field of Basque language and culture, especially from 1999 until today to stop the aggression imposed by the UPN –with the excellent support of the PSN– and to channel the linguistic policy linked to the wishes of the population. Three, in the field of symbols, there is no persecution for citizens or institutions to go out with symbols that they feel are most represented.

After San Fermín, Parliament must either choose a new government or repeat the elections. Even if the second option is far away, anything is possible. At least for now, Zapatero has managed to ease Raxoi’s pressure on the Government of Navarre during the general debate in Congress. Even an attack by ETA would undoubtedly complicate the agreement and nothing to say if it were in Navarre.

The fact that PRESIDENT iBARRETXE and the leaders of the PSE-EE observe signs of crime in public relations with members of the Union is only a reflection of the perverse political situation created by the Law of the Parties. From the same chain, José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero should also be closely involved in dialogue and negotiation sessions with both the Union and ETA.
Being a position authorized by the Spanish Congress, some judges are using the Law of the Parties promoted by the Spanish Congress itself to generate contradictions in political activity.

From the point of view of political rights, this is as absurd and denounceable as other questions that have previously been opened to the Union in the exercise of the Party Law; from the point of view of the political

moment, judges who want to take advantage of this situation to the court and take President Ibarretxe to court. It is only a matter of images, because in that image one power is clearly represented as dominating another, because today at least it is not foreseen that there will be any punishment at the end.Ibarretxe

is caught in the middle of the quartet’s exhaustion accounts with the oral trial. He has made his position on the trio clear and has even revealed some clues about his candidacy for the fourth term. But first, it will have to define at least two questions: one, what will happen to the Ibarretxe plan after the failure of the last negotiating session of the peace process; and two, whether the popular consultation envisaged in that plan will take place during this legislature or not. He's got two years left.

The day after the elections, on 27 May, they all agreed on two conclusions: the first is the usual one, which is that one has won; the second is that a much more complicated political map is formed. And much more complicated this means that the tasks of government formation and subsequent political action will also be seriously hampered. But it seems that the parties, especially the main ones, find it difficult to accept this.

In a very plural country, not everything can be homogeneous: The government, the deputations, the city councils... and here it has been quite homogeneous for many years. Even too much. Welcome changes, as long as they are a reflection of the will of the citizens.