Everyone is accounting for what can happen in Trump 2.0 and what can happen in the world. One of the few forecasts that can be given as a little from the knowledge of the subject's frivolity is that relations with China in the United States, at least economic, will deteriorate. And those who think about numbers are adjusting their forecasts. Even those who would be aggravated seem to be informed and have been held to account.
However, it is much more enigmatic what can happen in relations between the United States and India over the next four years. The Biden administration wanted to build a whole strategy, which has been solemnly called the Indo-Pacific strategy, causing the crisis in the Galwan Valley that it found free at its disposal at the beginning of its mandate. Someone thought that the warming of “what can shadow what can do to us” could be an extraordinary invention. But it hasn't worked. He came straight away in the crisis in Ukraine, when one has also been repudiated of his intentions by paying tribute, although another has hardly been criticised for the facts, the US has not managed to get India to behave like an Anglo-Saxon member. As expected.
That is what the Prime Minister of India, Narendra Modi, and his relatives call “strategic autonomy”. It is also the critics who believe that it is not much more than hypocrisy. That every time you have to make the most of it, but that you do not have to resort to anyone's car, to put it in vulgar terms. Because in addition to national pride after colonialism, the development of India requires something like this. And perhaps it is that external relations strategy that contradicts the PGPUJ least with its opposition, even if it is much to say that it is shared.
It is not, however, the best way to get it right with Trump. During his first term of office he had already shown that he wanted India to be as submissive and powerful as the other allies. However, it is not the best way to fix it with sweetness with Modi. Now, moreover, there are direct clashes that did not exist at the time: actions against the Sikh, the Adani case ...
It is clear that, since the beginning of Modi’s third term of office, Foreign Minister Jaishankar has begun to soften relations with China. The border crossings have returned to the freezer and the economic dealings that were covered have reheated. The last is the resumption of direct flights.
The contradictions – the border problems, Pakistan and Afghanistan, the Indian Ocean – have not faded; one could say they remain the same. There can be news, let's say, of Bangladesh. And recover the old ones – Tibet.
But Modi is doing his bills. Even before Trump 2.0 arrived.
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